Economics & Global Affairs

After an interval when little attention was paid to the long-run prognosis for government debt, its sustainability is again front-and-center in the United States, as in many other countries.  The reason is not the concocted debt ceiling crisis, which was resolved at the end of May, two days before a looming default. A likely reason is, rather, the big increase in interest rates over the last year.

So long as interest rates, both nominal and real, were historically low — even close to zero in 2021 — it seemed fine for the government to borrow.  In particular, short-term real interest rates, that is, nominal interest rates minus expected inflation, were negative.  But now that interest payments on the national debt have risen, with more to come, the situation doesn’t look so benign.

The United States’ debt-to-GDP ratio, which improved during the inflationary spike of 2021-22, is expected to increase as inflation cools and the US population rapidly ages. While ultra-conservative Republicans advocate cutting non-defense discretionary spending to restore debt sustainability, the numbers do not add up.

President Biden may practice old-style Democratic coalition politics, but his party's progressives have gotten a sweet deal. Look no further than the White House's embrace of national economic planning. The younger generation wants a sharp break with the past, and the president is listening. Mr. Biden's new model is the Washington Ordered Economy: a tale of WOE.

A two-decade drought in the western United States, the worst in more than 1,000 years, has pushed chronic water shortages to a critical point, notwithstanding above-average precipitation this past winter.  Similar water shortages afflict Europe and some parts of Africa, Asia, Australia, and Latin America.

Forty million people in western US states get much of their water from the Colorado River. On May 22, their representatives reached a supposedly historic agreement to solve their conflicting claims for the time being.  California, Arizona and Nevada managed to negotiate how to allocate reductions of 14% by 2026, in water drawn from the river.

Farmers in the western United States argue that without access to relatively affordable water for cultivating feed-related crops such as alfalfa, the cost of beef and dairy products would increase. But why should the American public subsidize the production of beef and dairy products or the cultivation of rice in a desert?

An estimated 61 countries are currently in debt distress or at risk of it, which is almost one third of the membership of the IMF [32% of 190].  The G20’s Common Framework for Debt Treatment is supposed to facilitate debt restructuring for low-income countries.  But it has made only slow progress.

Many of these countries are in Africa.  Chad restructured its debt in 2021, the first to do so under the Common Framework. Zambia defaulted on its foreign debt in 2020, but has so far been unsuccessful in getting its creditors to agree on how to restructure its debt.  Reluctance of China to participate with other creditors in the traditional Paris Club process is a particular problem in the Zambian case.  Ghana, which defaulted on its external debt in December 2022, has apparently been better able to move forward with restructuring.  Rescheduling of the terms of Ethiopia’s debt was delayed by civil war, but may move forward now.  Angola received 3-year debt relief in September 2020, but remains in trouble.

Even if they manage to convince their creditors to restructure their debts, commodity-exporting debtor countries are still vulnerable to sudden price fluctuations. Commodity bonds could help remove the most significant source of risk facing many debt-distressed countries in Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East.

This month marks the 50th anniversary of the date, in March 1973, when the dollar, yen, deutschemark, pound, and other major currencies went untethered, their relative values to be determined thenceforth by foreign exchange markets rather than by governments.  The abandonment of the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates was generally viewed as a policy failure. The movement from fixed to flexible exchange rates, however, was better viewed as part of a natural long-term process.

The half-century since the official demise of the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates has shown the benefits of what replaced it. While some may feel nostalgic for the postwar monetary system, its collapse was inevitable, and what looked like failure has given rise to a remarkably resilient regime.

The popular ESG movement advocates judging firms, not just by what they generate for shareholders in short-term profits, but by their emphasis on environmental, social, and governance goals.  The movement has its detractors, particularly in the United States.  A counter-movement is gathering steam. It would prohibit some financial institutions from investing in firms that follow ESG practices.

To be sure, ESG does warrant some skepticism.  Often, corporate commitments are essentially mere exercises in public relations.  But those who, in the name of economic freedom, would ban private investors from pursuing ESG goals are logically confused.